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Vladislav Ivanovich Gasumyanov(November 23, 1959, Baku, Azerbaijan SSR, USSR) - Vice-President of PJSC MMC Norilsk Nickel, head base Department corporate security MGIMO Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, Chairman board of trustees Sochinsky state university. Previously, Deputy Head of the Russian Presidential Administration for Interregional and Cultural Relations with foreign countries; Acting Head of the Russian Agency for State Reserves.

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Scientific and public conference “We are rich in the love of the Motherland”

Subtitles

Education

1983 - graduated from the Kyiv Institute of Engineers civil aviation(KIIGA);

1985 - graduated from the Higher Courses of the KGB of the USSR;

2002 - graduated Northwestern Academy public service.

Biography

From 2002 to 2009 - in the system of the Russian Agency for State Reserves (Rosrezerv):

2003 - 2004 - State Secretary, Deputy General Director of Rosrezerv;

Member of the Interdepartmental Commission of the Security Council of the Russian Federation on Military Security (2007 – 2008).

From 2009 to 2012 served as Deputy Head of the Russian Presidential Administration for Interregional and Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries.

In 2012, he headed the Security Unit of MMC Norilsk Nickel. Since October 2015 - Vice President - Head of the Corporate Protection Unit of PJSC MMC Norilsk Nickel.

Head of the Norilsk Nickel representative office in the International Research Consortium information security(IISRC/MIKIB).

Scientific activities

Scientific director of the NPO "Institute modern problems security."

Social activities

Honorary member of the St. Andrew the First-Called Foundation and the Center of National Glory.

Chairman of the Board of Trustees of Sochi State University.

Family

Married. Has a son, daughter and three grandchildren.

Awards

Medal of the Order “For Merit to the Fatherland”, II degree.

Medals "For Impeccable Service" of the third, second, first degrees.

2 orders of the Russian Orthodox Church.

2 orders of foreign states.

Certificate of Honor from the President of Russia (2009).

Certificate of Honor from the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation (2012).

Quotes

Bibliography

Monographs

Grigoriev A. A., Gasumyanov V. I. History of state reserves of Russia (from the 9th century to 1917). - St. Petersburg: Publishing house "Peter", 2003.

Grigoriev A. A., Gasumyanov V. I. History of state reserves of Russia. Book II (from 1918 to 1941). - St. Petersburg: Publishing house "Peter", 2007.

Gasumyanov V.I. The role of services for managing state material reserves in the development of the national economy. - St. Petersburg: Dialogue Publishing House, 2006.

Gasumyanov V.I. Strategy for the development of public reserves management services: theoretical and conceptual framework. Monograph. - St. Petersburg: Dialogue Publishing House, 2006.

Articles and reports

Industry specific features of organizing and planning business activities in educational institution vocational education. Proceedings of the international scientific and practical conference “Education, employment, career and tactics (UNITWIN)”. - Kazan, 2002.

The essence and cost of services for managing state material resources / Problems of activity of economic entities modern Russia: Interuniversity collection scientific works. Issue 5. - St. Petersburg: Dialogue Publishing House, 2006.

Management-mobilization and vocational-educational services of the state material reserve / Problems of activity of economic entities of modern Russia: Interuniversity collection of scientific works. Issue 5. - St. Petersburg: Dialogue Publishing House, 2006.

Regulatory and legal support for managing current activities and strategic development state mobilization reserve / Problems of activity of economic entities of modern Russia: Interuniversity collection of scientific works. Issue 6. - St. Petersburg: Dialogue Publishing House, 2006.

Socio-psychological method of managing the long-term development of the state reserve / Interuniversity collection of scientific papers “Problems of the activities of economic entities in modern Russia.” Issue 7. - St. Petersburg: Dialogue Publishing House, 2007.

Economic and administrative-administrative methods of strategic management of the process of providing public reserve services / Interuniversity collection of scientific papers “Problems of managing the development of socio-economic systems.” Issue 23. - St. Petersburg: SPbGUKiT, 2007.

Andrey Bessmertnykh

The corruption labyrinth stretches from Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia (including Abkhazia and South Ossetia) to the Administration of President Dmitry Medvedev. The supreme distributor of corruption flows is Vladislav Gasumyanov, deputy head of the Presidential Administration for Interregional and Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries, which is headed by Sergei Vinokurov, confidant of the head of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation Naryshkin Sergei Evgenievich.

Gasumyanov Vladislav Ivanovich was born on November 23, 1959 into an Armenian family in Baku. In 1983 he graduated from the Institute of Civil Aviation Engineers in Kyiv. During his studies, he collaborated with the KGB of Ukraine. In 1985 he graduated from the higher courses of the KGB of the USSR. At the turn of the 1980-90s he worked in Azerbaijan and Armenia. During that period, close commercial ties were established between the young “special officer” and the criminal-guild circles of Caucasian businessmen. These connections were useful to Gasumyanov in later life. In 1993, he emerges surrounded by Robert Kocharyan in Nagorno-Karabakh. The main occupation of the reserve KGB officer (he is listed in the active reserve of the NSA/FSK/FSB) then was the organization of smuggling operations for the illegal trafficking of alcohol and cigarettes in the interests of both Armenian and Azerbaijani criminal circles. Some observers do not exclude his involvement in organizing drug trafficking routes through the security zone. By the early 2000s, Gasumyanov had collected enough money and acquired influential patrons in international criminal and business circles in order to return to the FSB of the Russian Federation. Through the efforts of Georgian and Armenian “businessmen”, Vladislav Gasumyanov has held the position of deputy head of the FSB of the Russian Federation for the city of Sochi since 2002. That same year, he hastily graduated from the Northwestern Academy of Civil Service. However, the Sochi regional feeding trough was not enough for Gasumyanov’s “friends” (in fact, masters): they needed the federal level, where there were and are other prospects and other budgets.

In February 2003, Vladislav Gasumyanov was appointed deputy general director of Rosrezerv, and 2 years later he was reappointed to the same position for a new term. Then it unfolded in full: kickbacks, “leftist” contracts with Armenian, Georgian and Azerbaijani businessmen became the main source of income for the “chekist”. He received the status of colonel of the FSB of the Russian Federation, seconded to the civilian government service. In connection with the death of the head of Rosrezerv Grigoriev in December 2008, Vladislav Gasumyanov was even the acting head of Rosrezerv from January to March 2009. But in February 2009, Vladislav Gasumyanov made a strategic mistake: wanting to become not just an acting, but the official head of Rosrezerv, he went to Prime Minister Putin with a note revealing some of the corruption mechanisms of Rosrezerv accusing the late leader Alexandra Grigorieva. Vladimir Putin did not appreciate Armenian creativity, since Grigoriev was his personal appointee and acquaintance from the Leningrad KGB since the 1970s. In response to this, Putin initiated an official investigation into Gasumyanov himself. And in March 2009, after the appointment of a new head of Rosrezerv, Gasumyan was fired altogether. True, it did not lead to a criminal case: one can only guess how many millions of dollars or euros it cost to resolve such a “issue.” But assumptions are assumptions, but the fact remains: Vladislav Gasumyanov not only remained free, but also received an appointment to a new “responsible post.”

In May 2009, Gasumyanov took the post of chief of the Kremlin’s department for interregional and cultural relations with foreign countries, which is headed by Sergei Vinokurov, a confidant of the head of the AP Naryshkin. Gasumyanov’s responsibilities today include overseeing the Caucasian direction: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, NKR. In the new place, Gasumyanov developed vigorous activity. His old business connections came in handy. Having accepted a new position, Gasumyanov sold a house in the Moscow region, as he indicated in his income statement, for only 50 million rubles. Knowledgeable people claim that the price of the palace on Rublevka is underestimated by at least 2 times. Despite family and criminal ties in the Caucasian countries (which special organizations cannot but know about), Gasumyanov was appointed to oversee the Caucasian direction in the Kremlin.

In this position, Gasumyanov took control of all flows related to AP projects in South Ossetia and Abkhazia. Actively lobbies for Azerbaijani and Armenian issues. In 2010, Georgian financial magnates, on the instructions of the Georgian special services, collected 50 million euros for Gasumyanov to block possible Russian interference in the Georgian elections. This information did not pass by the operational services, but Gasumyanov acquired new high patrons. In the same year, Gasumyanov pushed his former business partner as a contractor for the reconstruction of the Sukhumi airport. True, he failed. Gasumyanov has been well known in Abkhazia for a long time. The late President of Abkhazia Sergei Bagapsh personally reported the zealous administrator to Vladimir Putin. He, in turn, put the unruly “chekist” in his place. There is talk in Sukhum that it was this episode that caused the sudden death of the second president of Abkhazia. Gasumyanov also plays an active role in distributing budget funds allocated for the restoration of South Ossetia. In 2010, it was he who became the “roof” for a group of Russian officials who organized the “dissolution” of 50 billion rubles allocated for the restoration of South Ossetia through a semi-criminal scheme, according to which less than 30% of the allocated funds went to the republic. The rest disappeared along the way. A businessman from Ozersk was sent to the Republic of South Ossetia for this scheme Vadim Brovtsev as Prime Minister of the Republic of South Ossetia. It was represented and promoted by Vladislav Gasumyanov. The curator succeeded in deception, blackmail and bribery - the favorite mechanisms for conducting “political” business.

Almost the only obstacle in this was the President of the Republic of South Ossetia Eduard Kokoity. Not wanting a conflict with Russian authorized structures and experiencing a feeling of deep gratitude to Russia, shared by all the people of South Ossetia, Eduard Dzhabeevich tried to resist the implementation of the thieves' scheme. At the end of 2010, he finally achieved the abolition of the Southern Directorate and direct funding for the Republic of South Ossetia since 2011. Of course, this was not part of the plans of Gasumyanov and those unscrupulous Russian officials who “mastered” Russian budgetary assistance to the South Ossetian Republic.

Knowing that Kokoity would run for a third term, Gasumyanov focused all his efforts on Operation “Successor” in the presidential elections in the Republic of South Ossetia, which are scheduled for November 13, 2011. For 6 months, Gasumyanov was looking for an obedient successor to the post of President of the Republic of South Ossetia. After searching through several candidates prone to collaboration, the choice fell on the Minister for emergency situations RSO Anatoly Bibilov. How Gasumyanov managed to convince his formal leadership that such a candidate was acceptable remains a mystery. As Russian media wrote, an unprecedented interdepartmental casting was held. And now the head of Dmitry Medvedev’s administration is personally going to visit Tskhinvali to introduce Anatoly Bibilov in a new capacity. It’s as if the presidents of South Ossetia are appointed in Moscow. Of course, in South Ossetia such gross interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign state is perceived as a concrete insult. It got to the point that Gasumyanov personally calls all officials of the Republic of South Ossetia on his mobile phone - from the head of the Presidential Administration of the Republic of South Ossetia to party functionaries - with threats, blackmail, etc.

“If the congress of the Unity party does not nominate Bibilov for president on September 18, then you will have problems.” Threats from ruining a personal career to “freezing funding for the reconstruction program of the Republic of South Ossetia.” It even got to the point that Gasumyanov threatened a number of senior officials of South Ossetia that “if they are nominated or not nominated by Bibilov, they will never receive Russian awards", with which Russian President Dmitry Medvedev awarded them by decree No. 1139 of September 1, 2011. Who could give such powers to Gasumyanov to cancel the execution of the decree of the Russian President? An arrogant official takes on too much.

Gasumyanov personally told one of the high-ranking people in the Republic of South Ossetia over an open telephone line that “Operation Athlete is being conducted against you.” If the wrong one comes forward, then we will let go of the reins and it will not seem too bad for you. “Jabo” (Dzhambulat Tedeev, coach of the Russian freestyle wrestling team) will tear you all apart.” It is important to note that Dzhambulat Tedeev also suddenly wanted to take part in the elections in the Republic of South Ossetia. If he is not registered as a candidate (and the constitution of the Republic of South Ossetia presupposes a 10-year residency requirement, which Tedeev does not have), then he will “arrange civil war" Behind Dzhambulat Tedeev stands Mikhail Mamiashvili, chairman of the national freestyle wrestling federation and known in narrow circles in Russia and Georgia as the leader of an international organized crime group. Mamiashvili has serious connections with the Georgian intelligence services. An interesting line is being built. And if we take into account the fact that at the beginning of 2011, within the framework of interdepartmental cooperation, Gasumyanov’s connections with the Armenian special services were identified and documented, then a terrible assumption of treason arises. How can a person like Gasumyanov be in such a position?

Who patronizes such anti-state activities and why? In conversations with his wards, Gasumyanov likes to emphasize that he is “an FSB general, and not just a clerk.” Often trumps with high names with or without reason. When drunk, he is unable to restrain his sexual instincts. As noted knowledgeable people, even on trips to “sponsored territories” he repeatedly demanded for himself “a girl or two for relaxation.” I wonder what Elena Vyacheslavovna, the wife of Vladislav Ivanovich Gasumyanov, thinks about this?

In the Republic of South Ossetia, a non-public collection of signatures is underway for an appeal to Vladimir Putin with a request to rid the South Ossetian people of such “curators.” In the near future, this petition will be delivered to Moscow, to the Kremlin.

The corruption labyrinth stretches from Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia (including Abkhazia and South Ossetia) to the Administration of President Dmitry Medvedev. The supreme distributor of corruption flows is Vladislav Gasumyanov, deputy head of the Presidential Administration for Interregional and Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries, which is headed by Sergei Vinokurov, a confidant of the head of the Russian Presidential Administration Sergei Evgenievich Naryshkin.

Gasumyanov Vladislav Ivanovich was born on November 23, 1959 into an Armenian family in Baku. In 1983 he graduated from the Institute of Civil Aviation Engineers in Kyiv. During his studies, he collaborated with the KGB of Ukraine. In 1985 he graduated from the higher courses of the KGB of the USSR. At the turn of the 1980-90s he worked in Azerbaijan and Armenia. During that period, close commercial ties were established between the young “special officer” and the criminal-guild circles of Caucasian businessmen. These connections were useful to Gasumyanov in later life. In 1993, he surfaces in the entourage of Robert Kocharyan in Nagorno-Karabakh. The main occupation of the reserve KGB officer (he is listed in the active reserve of the NSA/FSK/FSB) then was the organization of smuggling operations for the illegal trafficking of alcohol and cigarettes in the interests of both Armenian and Azerbaijani criminal circles. Some observers do not exclude his involvement in organizing drug trafficking routes through the security zone. By the early 2000s, Gasumyanov had collected enough money and acquired influential patrons in international criminal and business circles in order to return to the FSB of the Russian Federation. Through the efforts of Georgian and Armenian “businessmen”, Vladislav Gasumyanov has held the position of deputy head of the FSB of the Russian Federation for the city of Sochi since 2002. That same year, he hastily graduated from the Northwestern Academy of Civil Service. However, the Sochi regional feeding trough was not enough for Gasumyanov’s “friends” (in fact, masters): they needed the federal level, where there were and are other prospects and other budgets.

In February 2003, Vladislav Gasumyanov was appointed deputy general director of Rosrezerv, and 2 years later he was reappointed to the same position for a new term. Then it unfolded in full: kickbacks, “leftist” contracts with Armenian, Georgian and Azerbaijani businessmen became the main source of income for the “chekist”. He received the status of colonel of the FSB of the Russian Federation, seconded to the civilian government service. In connection with the death of the head of Rosrezerv Grigoriev in December 2008, Vladislav Gasumyanov was even the acting head of Rosrezerv from January to March 2009. But in February 2009, Vladislav Gasumyanov made a strategic mistake: wanting to become not just an acting, but the official head of Rosrezerv, he went to Prime Minister Putin with a note revealing some of the corruption mechanisms of Rosrezerv with accusations against the late leader Alexander Grigoriev. Vladimir Putin did not appreciate Armenian creativity, since Grigoriev was his personal appointee and acquaintance from the Leningrad KGB since the 1970s. In response to this, Putin initiated an official investigation into Gasumyanov himself. And in March 2009, after the appointment of a new head of Rosrezerv, Gasumyan was fired altogether. True, it did not lead to a criminal case: one can only guess how many millions of dollars or euros it cost to resolve such a “issue.” But assumptions are assumptions, but the fact remains: Vladislav Gasumyanov not only remained free, but also received an appointment to a new “responsible post.”

In May 2009, Gasumyanov took the post of chief of the Kremlin’s department for interregional and cultural relations with foreign countries, which is headed by Sergei Vinokurov, a confidant of the head of the AP Naryshkin. Gasumyanov’s responsibilities today include overseeing the Caucasian direction: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, NKR. In the new place, Gasumyanov developed vigorous activity. His old business connections came in handy. Having accepted a new position, Gasumyanov sold a house in the Moscow region, as he indicated in his income statement, for only 50 million rubles. Knowledgeable people claim that the price of the palace on Rublyovka is underestimated by at least 2 times. Despite family and criminal ties in the Caucasian countries (which special organizations cannot but know about), Gasumyanov was appointed to oversee the Caucasian direction in the Kremlin.

In this position, Gasumyanov took control of all flows related to AP projects in South Ossetia and Abkhazia. Actively lobbies for Azerbaijani and Armenian issues. In 2010, Georgian financial magnates, on the instructions of the Georgian special services, collected 50 million euros for Gasumyanov for blocking possible Russian interference in the Georgian elections. This information did not pass by the operational services, but Gasumyanov acquired new high patrons. In the same year, Gasumyanov pushed his former business partner as a contractor for the reconstruction of the Sukhumi airport. True, he failed. Gasumyanov has been well known in Abkhazia for a long time. The late President of Abkhazia Sergei Bagapsh personally reported the zealous administrator to Vladimir Putin. He, in turn, put the unbelted “chekist” in his place. There is talk in Sukhum that it was this episode that caused the sudden death of the second president of Abkhazia. Gasumyanov also plays an active role in distributing budget funds allocated for the restoration of South Ossetia. In 2010, it was he who became the “roof” for a group of Russian officials who organized the “dissolution” of 50 billion rubles allocated for the restoration of South Ossetia through a semi-criminal scheme, according to which less than 30% of the allocated funds went to the republic. The rest disappeared along the way. Under this scheme, a businessman from Ozersk, Vadim Brovtsev, was sent to the Republic of South Ossetia as the Prime Minister of the Republic of South Ossetia. It was represented and promoted by Vladislav Gasumyanov. The curator succeeded in deception, blackmail and bribery - the favorite mechanisms for conducting “political” business.

Almost the only obstacle in this was the President of the Republic of South Ossetia, Eduard Kokoity. Not wanting a conflict with Russian authorized structures and experiencing a feeling of deep gratitude to Russia, shared by all the people of South Ossetia, Eduard Dzhabeevich tried to resist the implementation of the thieves' scheme. At the end of 2010, he finally achieved the abolition of the Southern Directorate and direct funding for the Republic of South Ossetia since 2011. Of course, this was not part of the plans of Gasumyanov and those unscrupulous Russian officials who “mastered” Russian budgetary assistance to the South Ossetian Republic.

Knowing that Kokoity would run for a third term, Gasumyanov focused all his efforts on Operation “Successor” in the presidential elections in the Republic of South Ossetia, which are scheduled for November 13, 2011. For 6 months, Gasumyanov was looking for an obedient successor to the post of President of the Republic of South Ossetia. After searching through several candidates prone to collaboration, the choice fell on the Minister of Emergency Situations of the Republic of South Ossetia, Anatoly Bibilov. How Gasumyanov managed to convince his formal leadership that such a candidate was acceptable remains a mystery. As Russian media wrote, an unprecedented interdepartmental casting was held. And now the head of Dmitry Medvedev’s administration is personally going to visit Tskhinvali to introduce Anatoly Bibilov in a new capacity. It’s as if the presidents of South Ossetia are appointed in Moscow. Of course, in South Ossetia such gross interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign state is perceived as a concrete insult. It got to the point that Gasumyanov personally calls all officials of the Republic of South Ossetia on his mobile phone - from the head of the Presidential Administration of the Republic of South Ossetia to party functionaries - with threats, blackmail, etc.

“If the congress of the Unity party does not nominate Bibilov for president on September 18, then you will have problems.” Threats from ruining a personal career to “freezing funding for the reconstruction program of the Republic of South Ossetia.” It even got to the point that Gasumyanov threatened a number of senior officials of South Ossetia that “if they are nominated or Bibilov is not nominated, they will never receive Russian awards,” which Russian President Dmitry Medvedev awarded them by decree No. 1139 of September 1, 2011. Who could give such powers to Gasumyanov to cancel the execution of the decree of the Russian President? An arrogant official takes on too much.

Gasumyanov personally told one of the high-ranking people in the Republic of South Ossetia over an open telephone line that “Operation Athlete is being conducted against you.” If the wrong one comes forward, then we will let go of the reins and it will not seem too bad for you. “Jabo” (Dzhambulat Tedeev, coach of the Russian freestyle wrestling team) will tear you all apart.” It is important to note that Dzhambulat Tedeev also suddenly wanted to take part in the elections in the Republic of South Ossetia. If he is not registered as a candidate (and the constitution of the Republic of South Ossetia requires a 10-year residency requirement, which Tedeev does not have), then he will “start a civil war.” Behind Dzhambulat Tedeev is Mikhail Mamiashvili, chairman of the national freestyle wrestling federation and known in narrow circles in Russia and Georgia as the leader of an international organized crime group. Mamiashvili has serious connections with the Georgian intelligence services. An interesting line is being built. And if we take into account the fact that at the beginning of 2011, within the framework of interdepartmental cooperation, Gasumyanov’s connections with the Armenian special services were identified and documented, then a terrible assumption of treason arises. How can a person like Gasumyanov be in such a position?

Who patronizes such anti-state activities and why? In conversations with his wards, Gasumyanov likes to emphasize that he is “an FSB general, and not just a clerk.” Often trumps with high names with or without reason. When drunk, he is unable to restrain his sexual instincts. As knowledgeable people note, even on trips to “sponsored territories” he repeatedly demanded “a girl or two for relaxation.” I wonder what Elena Vyacheslavovna, the wife of Vladislav Ivanovich Gasumyanov, thinks about this?

In the Republic of South Ossetia, a non-public collection of signatures is underway for an appeal to Vladimir Putin with a request to rid the South Ossetian people of such “curators.” In the near future, this petition will be delivered to Moscow, to the Kremlin.

Gasumyanov was dismissed. "For failures in the post-Soviet space." I said that Gasumyanov would be fired immediately after the scandal in South Ossetia, where he screwed up in the worst possible way - he raped the will of the entire republic, but this is not even the main thing, this happens in our country in general at every election - he did it so dirty and defiantly, that he became the cause of the crisis in South Ossetia, a huge scandal, and simply made Russia a laughing stock. Remember the proverb - A gypsy beats his son not because he stole, but because he got caught. Gasumyanov was caught simply specifically. On a large scale. And we’re not just talking about Yu.O. Look at Transnistria, Abkhazia is a nightmare...

In the style of the best traditions, Putin paused and dismissed this figure. I said that Gasumyanov would be fired immediately after the start of the scandal in South Ossetia, and when he, let’s say, was delayed, I already began to think that he was completely unsinkable. Last week, for example, he spoke at the Russian-Abkhaz humanitarian forum and I was already thinking that Gasumyanov, apparently, weighs so much in this life and knows so much that they do not dare to dismiss him even for obvious failures.

And Vladislav Gasumyanov really knows a lot. This man has long been the eminence grise of our international Caucasian policy. It was he who developed our country’s position on many political issues in the post-Soviet space (he was not alone, but he was one of these people) and did many, many things that are not publicly discussed.

I have only one question today - why only resign? Vladislav Gasumyanov is a very rich man. Nobody wonders where a person got such a fortune when he worked all his life as a government official for a small salary - in Rosrezerv, then in the Presidential Administration? Strange things - there are scandals about the fact that Russian subsidies in South Ossetia and Abkhazia are being cut with terrible force, and at the same time, the official responsible for relations with these countries is getting richer and richer... Are there coincidences in life? Are they not interesting to anyone? Or can only the income of the opposition be examined under a magnifying glass?

And finally... I remember the first elections in South Ossetia, the same ones that were later declared invalid due to Dzhioeva’s victory. Everyone, well literally all the people seriously involved in the region, said that relying on Bibilov was absurd and could lead to a crisis and loss of face for both South Ossetia and Russia. Every single one! Those who listened to my broadcast in South Ossetia with Yana Amelina and Marina Perevozkina remember. No, this figure decided that he knows better than anyone, that the opinion of ALL experts and the opinion of South Ossetians does not interest him IN PRINCIPLE, that he is smarter than everyone else and that, in case of failure, he can stupidly push through his protege. Here is the result. As they say, Masha is good, and Natasha is a good wife.

And most importantly: How will our policy towards Transcaucasia, including A and South Ossetia, change now? There are still unclear signals that after the inauguration there may be changes in Russian politics in a desirable way. And then there’s the change of faces... Cards in hand?

Moscow, May 01 (New Region, Ekaterina Popova) - For failures in the post-Soviet space, officials of the Presidential Administration (AP) of the Russian Federation lost their posts. As the RIA Novy Region correspondent learned, by order of the head of the Administration, the deputy head of the department for interregional and cultural relations with foreign countries, Vladislav Gasumyanov, was dismissed from the civil service on May 2. At the same time, by decree of the President of the Russian Federation, Sergei Vinokurov, head of the department for interregional and cultural relations with foreign countries, was relieved of his post. The head of state appointed Vladimir Chernov to this position, who until January of this year headed the secretariat of Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation Sergei Ivanov.

As experts note, the resignation of high-ranking officials is associated with a series of failures in the post-Soviet space, which fell within their official competence. In particular, we're talking about about regions such as South Ossetia, Abkhazia, Transnistria, Kyrgyzstan and the Baltic states.

NR sources note that the Vinokurov-Gasumyanov group “distinguished itself” especially strongly in South Ossetia in the fall and winter of last year during the election campaign for the president of the republic. When the actually elected president, Alla Dzhioeva, was not recognized by Moscow, and after a month of standing on the street, under Vinokurov’s personal guarantees, she agreed to repeat elections, but she was not allowed to take part in them.
On the eve of the elections, a criminal case was opened against Dzhioeva, where she was beaten and forcibly placed in a hospital.
After this, Alla Dzhioeva wrote an open letter to Russian President Dmitry Medvedev and Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, where she directly accused Vinokurov and Gasumyanov of organizing unrest and destabilizing the internal political situation in South Ossetia, and pointed out the unacceptable illegal actions of employees of the presidential administration.

It is worth noting that nothing is yet known about the bureaucratic fate of Sergei Chebatarev, head of the Caucasus department of the Administration of the Administration. He was the direct executor on the spot on the instructions of Gasumyanov and under the leadership of Vinokurov. Apparently, he is also facing resignation.
2012, “New Region - Moscow”

Norilsk Nickel security officer Gasumyanov protects fellow countryman-authority

"Armenchik" and "Tevosik" began the creation of a new OPS in Norilsk

“March 12 took place telephone conversation Presidents of Russia Vladimir Putin and Armenia Serzh Sargsyan,” the official chronicle reported last week. By a strange coincidence, around the same days, “Russian-Armenian relations” also received an alternative, let’s say, rather specific development. As the CrimeRussia news agency reported on March 13, Moscow is on an important “mission” to impose tribute Armenian businessmen At the invitation of a certain high-ranking Russian "Mole", "Tevosik" - who is also a major criminal authority - allegedly arrived Tevos Safaryan.

“Tevosik boasts to his circle of plans to create an organized criminal group in Russia... According to the statements of the “authority”, it has already included the so-called “supervisor” of Norilsk nicknamed “Armenchik,” as well as numerous people from the North Caucasus, including those with family ties to current representatives of the gang underground,” the agency says. “As leverage on “rebellious” businessmen, Safaryan and his accomplices plan to use not only traditional gangster tools, but also the so-called “press” through friendly and corrupt representatives of law enforcement agencies (in particular, the Department for Economic Crimes of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia) and other government structures. It also follows from Tevosik-Safaryan’s stories that the “Mole” who invited him to Russia has allegedly already demanded a share of 70% of all the money raised as a result of the “raids” with his participation.”

A number of online publications immediately expressed their assumptions about the identity of the Russian “host” - the aforementioned “Mole”. According to the widely circulated version, he may be a certain Vladislav Gasumyanov, who currently holds the position of neither more nor less than the head of the Security Unit of MMC Norilsk Nickel.

Tevos Safaryan is usually mentioned when it comes to the founding fathers of Armenian organized crime. In the late nineties, according to media reports, he had a close relationship with former State Duma deputy Ashot Yeghiazaryan, who is now hiding from Russian justice in the United States. Back in July 1998, Tevosik was mentioned in connection with the murder of a certain businessman Hovsepyan in Moscow. And in the early 2000s, Safaryan already received international fame. In Belgium, for example, it was dealt with in connection with the acquisition of real estate, paid for with “dirty” money of dubious Russian-Armenian origin (it was assumed that they were received from the Armenian organized crime group Armen Gevorkyan). And along the way, they unearthed a connection between Safaryan and the company MAB ANTWERPEN, which is no stranger to Solntsevsky. Later, the name “Tevosika” repeatedly surfaced in Russia and Armenia in connection with murders, kidnappings and extortion against businessmen.

“The Labor Path” of Vladislav Gasumyanov is replete with no less amazing details. As Rospress reported back in 2011, at the turn of the 1980s and 90s after the end of higher courses KGB of the USSR he works in Azerbaijan and Armenia. “During that period, close commercial ties were established between the young “special officer” and the criminal-guild circles of Caucasian businessmen,” the agency claims. In 1993, he surfaced in the entourage of Robert Kocharyan in Nagorno-Karabakh, where he was engaged in “organizing smuggling operations for the illegal trafficking of alcohol and cigarettes in the interests of both Armenian and Azerbaijani criminal circles.” In February 2003, he was appointed deputy general director of Rosrezerv. “Then he went into full swing: kickbacks, “leftist” contracts with Armenian, Georgian and Azerbaijani businessmen,” lists Rospress. Due to the death of the head of Rosrezerv Grigoriev in December 2008, Gasumyanov remained the acting head of this structure from January to March 2009, but was “purged” from it by the new leadership. But already in May 2009, he held the post of chief of the Kremlin’s department for interregional and cultural relations with foreign countries, where he “took control of all flows associated with AP projects in South Ossetia and Abkhazia.” Gasumyanov’s quiet transfer in 2012 from the seat of a government official to the “cushy place” of the head of the Security Unit of the Norilsk Nickel MMC was not included in the biography quoted above, since it happened later, and, according to rumors, in direct connection with the revealing publications that thundered in the media.

If, following the media, we assume that Vladislav Gasumyanov(with his very serious connections) and “Tevosik” Safaryan (with his very specific experience) are really “finding each other” these days, then the news about such an “interstate tandem” is significant for ordinary people can easily overshadow any official chronicle. Because government leaders are somewhere out there, far away, and criminal bosses and their high-ranking patrons can be on the doorstep of Armenian entrepreneurs tomorrow. And while at the level of presidents and governments our countries are moving together into the 21st century, authoritative figures of a somewhat different nature are cynically and brazenly dragging them back to the already forgotten 90s.