Beginning of the 17th century marked the plunge of the Russian state into a deep systemic crisis, called by historian S.F. Platonov "Time of Troubles". The dynastic crisis of the late 16th century, the accession and overthrow of False Dmitry I, the reign of Vasily Shuisky, the beginning of the Swedish and Polish intervention, the Seven Boyars, plunged the country into deep chaos, threatening the loss of state sovereignty. According to V.O. Klyuchevsky, by the fall of 1611, Russia was “a spectacle of complete visible destruction. The Poles took Smolensk; the Polish congratulations burned Moscow and fortified itself behind the surviving walls of the Kremlin and Kitai-Gorod; the Swedes occupied Novgorod and nominated one of the princes as a candidate for the Moscow throne; But the murdered second False Dmitry was replaced in Pskov by a third, some Sidorka; The first noble militia near Moscow was upset with the death of Lyapunov... (the state, having lost its center, began to disintegrate into its component parts; almost every city acted independently, only interspersing with other cities. The state was transformed into some kind of shapeless, restless federation."

The Swedish intervention in the north, the de facto occupation of Moscow and the capture of Smolensk by the Poles after a heroic 20-month defense of the fortress city influenced the mood of the Russians. The illusions of a Polish-Russian compromise were dispelled. Patriarch Hermogenes, cellarer of the Trinity-Sergius Monastery - Abraham Palitsyn, who had previously maintained contacts with Sigismund III, as well as some other Russian figures began to send letters throughout the country, calling on Russians to unite to fight the foreigners who rule in Rus'. The Poles took Hermogenes into custody and threw him into prison, where the patriarch died.

Civil internal war began to fade, turning into liberation movement against foreign enemies.

Ryazan nobleman Prokopiy Lyapunov began to gather troops to fight the Poles and liberate Moscow. Meanwhile, in Kaluga, False Dmitry II died at the hands of the head of his own security. Soon the widow of False Dmitry had a son, Ivan. There were rumors that the real father of the “prince” (“warlord”) was the Cossack ataman Ivan Zarutsky, and he would take root in the camp of supporters of False Dmitry II in Tushino, near Moscow. Unlike the name of “Tsarevich Dmitry,” the name of “Tsarevich Ivan” did not have the mystical ability to rally people around him. The patron of Marina Mnishek and the “warlord”, Tushino ataman Ivan Zarutsky, decided to join the militia of Prokopiy Lyapunov. Many other Tushino residents did the same (boyar Dmitry Trubetskoy, for example). So, in February-March 1611, the First Militia arose . Under the militia, a government was created - the Council of the Whole Land. It included the leader of the Ryazan nobles Prokopiy Lyapunov, the Tushino boyar Prince Dmitry Trubetskoy and the Cossack ataman, Cossack Ivan Zarutsky. In March 1611, the militia approached Moscow. An uprising broke out in the capital, but the militias failed to take control of Moscow.

Knowing that militias were approaching Moscow, the Poles tried to force Muscovites to carry guns to the city walls. The refusal of Muscovites to do this work spontaneously grew into an uprising. A vanguard of militias led by Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Pozharsky burst into the city to help Muscovites. The Polish garrison began to lose ground. Then A. Gonsevsky, on the advice of his well-wisher M. Saltykov, ordered the wooden settlement to be set on fire. People rushed to save families and property. The Poles took refuge in the stone fortresses of the Kremlin and Kitai-Gorod. The militia, fleeing the fire, left, carrying away Prince Pozharsky, seriously wounded in battle.

The fire in Moscow that broke out during the uprising completely destroyed the capital's suburb. Thousands of Muscovites were left homeless. They scattered throughout the surrounding villages and towns near Moscow. The Trinity-Sergius Monastery sheltered many. The siege of Moscow was also unsuccessful for the Russians. It lasted from March to July 1611. The unity of the militia was undermined by contradictions between the Cossacks (many of whom were fugitives in the past) and service people (patrimonial owners and landowners). Their interests did not coincide. To overcome the contradictions, on June 30, 1611, the Council of the Whole Land adopted the “Verdict of the Whole Land.” Main role When composing the text of the “Sentence,” the leader of the nobles, Prokopiy Lyapunov, played. The verdict preserved all the privileges of serving people in the fatherland. He promised the Cossacks the militia as a compromise royal service and salaries, freedom for the former fugitive Cossacks, but he refused to give them estates. The Cossacks were unhappy.

The discontent of the Cossacks was supported for their own purposes by their leaders - ataman Ivan Zarutsky and boyar Dmitry Trubetskoy. The Poles also successfully fomented confrontation between the nobles and the Cossacks. They spread rumors about Lyapunov's hostility to the Cossacks. It was said that Lyapunov was going to surprise the Cossacks. Unlike the nobles of the First Militia, the Cossack militia did not receive either money or grain salaries from the militia funds. They fed as best they could, mostly by robbing villages near Moscow. This was setting up local residents against the militias, and Prokopiy Lyapunov promised to severely punish the marauders. When Lyapunov was informed about the atrocities of 28 Cossacks in one village near Moscow, he ordered the nobles to drown the guilty. The execution outraged the rest of the Cossacks.

On July 22, 1611, they called Procopius Lyapunov to their circle to sort things out. The circle ended with the murder of the leader of the Ryazan nobles. After this, the nobles and boyar children began to leave the militia, and it actually disintegrated.

Shortly before this, two more sad events for the Russian people took place.

On June 3, 1611, Smolensk fell. The siege of Smolensk lasted almost two years - 624 days. Voivode Mikhail Shein was captured, shackled and sent to Poland. On July 16, 1611, the Swedish general Delagardi occupied Novgorod almost without resistance and concluded an agreement with its authorities on the creation of the Novgorod state. It was a vassal of Sweden. In the future, the Swedes hoped to achieve the election of the son of King Charles IX, Prince Charles Philip, to the Moscow throne.

Near Moscow, the Cossacks of Zarutsky and Trubetskoy stood in complete confusion. The “Tushins” were in the past, they easily recognized the new adventurer who had appeared in Pskov - False Dmitry III - as king. This completely discredited the Cossack detachments in the eyes of the majority of Russian people. former First militias and their leaders. The population of Russia is already tired of imposture. It was looking for a different symbol of the unity of the Russian people. The idea of ​​liberating Moscow and convening in it became such a symbol. Zemsky Sobor to choose the rightful monarch.

This idea was expressed in his appeal to fellow citizens by Kuzma Minin, a wealthy townsman resident of Nizhny Novgorod. “If we want to help the Moscow state,” said Minin, “then we will not spare our property, our bellies: not only our bellies, but we will sell our yards, we will pawn our wives and children.” Until the fall of 1611, Kuzma Minin, having a butcher shop, conducted a trade. It was already old man. His nickname, “Sukhoruk,” suggests a serious illness. But, being chosen by the townspeople as a zemstvo elder, Kuzma showed talent statesman. Kuzma concentrated all his thoughts and deeds on the idea of ​​liberating Moscow. There, in Moscow, after the expulsion of the Poles, people chosen from all Russian classes were supposed to gather and choose a tsar. The restored central authority will unite the country.

The Nizhny Novgorod zemstvo elder received an unusual “rank” - “a person elected by the whole earth.” Kuzma Minin began collecting donations for a new militia. He himself gave away all his savings and part of his property. Then an emergency war tax was introduced in Nizhny Novgorod. Service people, archers and Cossacks flocked to Nizhny Novgorod. Shelves began to form. The militia was divided into 4 categories - equestrian nobles, archers and gunners, Cossacks and “staff” (militia who did not know military affairs, but helped pull guns and lead the convoy). The highest salaries were paid to the nobles. Then came the archers and Cossacks. She did not have a salary, but people from the staff were fed at the expense of the militia.

Supreme governor and leader external relations The Nizhny Novgorod zemstvo hut invited Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Pozharsky to join the second militia. This man was known for his personal courage and integrity. At that time, he was being treated for wounds in his native Suzdal, but did not refuse the ambassadors of Nizhny Novgorod.

By the spring of 1612, the Second Militia took control of the Upper Volga region, roads from the northern and Trans-Volga cities. The militia spent about 4 months in the large Volga region city of Yaroslavl, seriously preparing for the campaign against Moscow. The Cossack leaders of the First Militia, especially Dmitry Trubetskoy, expressed their readiness to join forces. But Dmitry Pozharsky did not trust them and refused to negotiate. Having learned about this, Ataman Ivan Zarutsky organized an assassination attempt on Pozharsky. It was not possible to kill the prince. Then Zarutsky with 2 thousand Cossacks, taking Marina Mnishek and her son “vorenki”, left Moscow for Kolomna. Dmitry Trubetskoy's Cossacks were left alone at the walls of the capital.

In July 1612, Hetman Chodkiewicz came from Lithuania to help the 4,000-strong Polish garrison in Moscow. He led 15 thousand soldiers, mostly cavalry, and a food train. Khodkevich was a famous commander who gained fame for his victories over the Swedes in Livonia...

Pozharsky and Minin understood that they had to approach Moscow before Khodkevich. The militia rushed to the capital. On July 24, 1612, the advanced patrols of the Second Militia reached Moscow. On August 3, a detachment of 400 horsemen built a fort at the Petrovsky Gate of the capital and settled in it. On August 12, 700 horsemen fortified themselves at the Tver Gate of Zemlyanoy Gorod (that was the name of the outer line of log fortifications on the rampart and the settlement adjacent to it). The militia intercepted messengers sent to Chodkiewicz by the Polish garrison located in the Moscow Kremlin. On the night of August 19-20, the main forces of the Second Militia - approximately 15 thousand people - approached Moscow. They stopped in the east of the Kremlin - at the confluence of the Yauza with the Moscow River, and in the west and north - from the Nikitsky Gate of the Zemlyanoy City to the Alekseevskaya Tower near the Moscow River. In Zamoskvorechye the remnants of the First Militia continued to stand - about 3-4 thousand Cossacks of Dmitry Trubetskoy.

Khodkevich advanced along the Smolensk road. On the morning of August 22, 1612, he appeared near Moscow. The winged hussars tried to break into the capital from the Novodevichy Convent on the move, but were repulsed by Pozharsky’s militia. Then the hetman brought all his regiments into battle. The Poles made their way through the Chertopol Gate to the Arbat. By evening, the noble hundreds of the Second Militia forced them to leave the city. The next day, August 23, Khodkevich decided to strike at Zamoskvorechye, hoping that the strained relations between Pozharsky and Trubetskoy would not allow the Russians to act together. But as soon as the Poles moved against Trubetskoy’s Cossacks, Pozharsky transported part of the militia to Zamoskvorechye.

The decisive battle took place on August 24. Khodkevich attacked both Pozharsky and Trubetskoy, the Polish garrison from the Kremlin hit the Russians in the rear. The militia rolled back beyond the fords on the Moscow River, and Trubetskoy’s Cossacks, abandoning their prison in Zamoskvorechye, galloped off to the Novodevichy Convent. The Poles began to bring food carts into the prison.

At this tense moment, Abraham Palitsyn appeared to the Cossacks and began to convince them not to abandon the battlefield. The Cossacks, inspired by him, without waiting for Trubetskoy’s command, attacked the fort, captured it and most of the Polish convoy.

Night was approaching. The outcome of the battle remained unclear. Suddenly Kuzma Minin decided to lead the attack himself. Having crossed the river, he, with three hundred mounted nobles, struck the flank of the Poles, who did not expect this at all. The Polish ranks were mixed. Pozharsky threw the archers into battle. And Trubetskoy’s Cossacks rushed to the rescue from all sides.

During the fight against Khodkevich, a spontaneous unification of the forces of the Second Militia with Trubetskoy’s Cossacks took place. This decided the outcome of the fight. Khodkevich retreated to the Donskoy Monastery, and on August 25, without resuming the battle, he reached the Smolensk road and went to Lithuania.

The Polish garrison in the Kremlin and Kitai-Gorod, under siege, began to starve. The forces of the Second Militia prepared and successfully carried out an assault on the Kitai-Gorod fortifications and liberated Kitay-Gorod from the Polish forces on November 3, 1612. However, Strus's detachment remained in the Kremlin, despite the famine. On November 5, the day after the veneration of the icon of the Kazan Mother of God, the Poles holed up in the Kremlin surrendered to the mercy of the Second Militia. Not a single Pole from the Kremlin garrison of three thousand survived, except their commander N. Strus.

The liberation of Moscow from Polish invaders by the forces of the Second Militia became a symbol of spiritual fortitude and military glory Russian people. The dedication with which all of Russia rose to fight the enemies of the Fatherland demonstrated to the whole world the strength of the Russian spirit and Russian unity.

Not knowing about the capitulation of his troops in Moscow, Sigismund III marched towards Moscow, but near Volokolamsk he was defeated by Russian regiments.

In January 1613, the Zemsky Sobor met in the capital. It was attended by elected officials from the nobles, clergy, townspeople, Cossacks and, perhaps even, from black-growing peasants. The participants of the cathedral vowed not to leave until they elected a tsar to the Moscow throne. This was an obvious basis for the restoration of central authorities and the unification of the country. This was necessary for the end civil war and expulsion of foreign invaders.

The candidacy of the future monarch caused heated debate. It was difficult to reconcile the sympathies of the former supporters of the impostors with the associates of Vasily Shuisky or the entourage of the Seven Boyars or the people of the Second Militia. All the “parties” looked at each other with suspicion and distrust.

Before the liberation of Moscow, Dmitry Pozharsky negotiated with Sweden about inviting a Swedish prince to the Russian throne. Perhaps this was a tactical move that made it possible to fight on one front. It may also be that the leaders of the Second Militia considered the Swedish prince the best candidate for the throne, hoping with his help to return Novgorod to Russia and get help in the fight against the Poles. But “Tsar” Vladislav and his father Sigismund III, with their anti-Russian policy, compromised the very idea of ​​​​inviting a foreign “neutral” prince. Participants in the Zemsky Sobor nominated foreign princes, as well as the candidacy of “Tsarevich Ivan,” the son of False Dmitry II and Marina Mnishek.

Vasily Golitsyn, who was then in Polish captivity, the son of Filaret Romanov, Tsar Fyodor Ioannovich's cousin Mikhail, Dmitry Trubetskoy and even Dmitry Pozharsky were proposed as tsars. The most acceptable candidate turned out to be Mikhail Romanov. Mikhail himself at that time was nothing of himself. They believed that he was a weak-willed and sickly young man, raised by an oppressive mother in exile in the Ipatiev Monastery near Kostroma. But it was not a matter of his personal merits or demerits. He was the son of Filaret Romanov, whose authority could reconcile all “parties”. For the Tushino people, Filaret, the former Tushino patriarch, was one of their own. The noble boyar families also considered him one of their own, because Filaret came from the ancient Moscow boyars and was not an “upstart” like the Godunovs. The patriots of the militias did not forget the heroic behavior of Philaret as the great ambassador to Sigismund. Filaret remained in a Polish prison during the Zemsky Council of 1613. Finally, the clergy saw in Filaret the best candidate for patriarch. All this taken together made Philaret’s son acceptable to everyone.

And the boyars even liked the fact that Mikhail Romanov was inexperienced, young and required guardianship. “Misha de Romanov is young, his mind has not yet reached him, and he will be familiar to us,” they later wrote to Golitsyn in Poland. As a result, in February 1613, the Zemsky Sobor approved Michael as king.

In 1613-1617 restoration of central and local authorities power, as well as overcoming the internal and external consequences of the Troubles. Bands of “thieves’ Cossacks” still continued to roam the country. Ataman Zarutsky did not accept the accession of Mikhail Romanov. He dreamed of electing a “warren” to the Moscow throne. Zarutsky and his people lived by outright robbery. In 1614, the ataman was captured and impaled. In 1615, another Cossack leader, Ataman Baloven, was defeated. Some of his people, who went over to the side of the Moscow authorities, were registered as servicemen. Internal turmoil was overcome.

The problem of interventionists remained. In 1615, the Swedes besieged Pskov, but failed to take it. In 1617, a Russian-Swedish peace treaty was concluded in Stolbov. Russia regained Novgorod. The Swedish princes renounced their claims to the Moscow crown and recognized Michael as the legitimate Tsar of Russia. However, according to the Stolbovo Treaty, Russia completely lost access to the Baltic Sea. The lands near the Neva and the Gulf of Finland, the Korelskaya volost, the cities of Yam, Oreshek, and Koporye went to Sweden. Despite the severity of the conditions, the Stolbov Peace Treaty was, rather, a success of Russian diplomacy. There was no strength for a war with Sweden, especially in light of the constant threat from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Neither Sigismund III nor his son recognized Michael as Tsar of Moscow. The matured “Tsar of Muscovy” Vladislav was preparing for a campaign. In 1618, the prince moved towards Moscow with Polish-Lithuanian regiments and detachments of Ukrainian Cossacks - Cossacks. Foreigners again stood at the Arbat Gate of the capital. Dmitry Pozharsky and the Cossacks barely managed to drive them away from Moscow. But Vladislav’s strength was also exhausted. Winter was approaching with its severe frosts in Russia. Not far from the Trinity-Sergius Monastery in the village of Deuline, a truce was concluded in December 1618. Vladislav left Russia and promised to release Russian prisoners to their homeland. But the prince did not give up his claims to the Russian throne. Chernigov-Severskaya land and Smolensk remained behind the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

After the end of the Time of Troubles, the country was exhausted. It is impossible to count how many people died. The arable lands were overgrown with forest. Many landowner peasants fled or, having gone bankrupt, sat as peasants who did not have their own farm and lived on odd jobs and the mercy of their master. The service man became poor. The empty treasury was unable to seriously help him. The black-growing peasant also became poor; he was robbed during the Time of Troubles by both his own and others. After 1613, he, as well as any tax payer, was under tax pressure. Even the monastic economy, a model of diligence, was in difficulty. Crafts and trade fell into complete decline.

It took more than a dozen years to overcome the consequences of the Troubles.

MININ AND POZHARSKY

(Bushuev S.V. “History of the Russian State”)

“On Red Square, near the Intercession Cathedral, which is on the moat (also called St. Basil’s after one of the chapels), there is a monument. The laconic inscription on it reads: “To Citizen Minin and Prince Pozharsky - grateful Russia in the summer of 1818.” Then, in early XIX century, our Fatherland experienced a patriotic upsurge after the victory over foreign conquerors, this time French... The sculptor I.P. Martos embodied the idea of ​​N.M. Karamzin in bronze...

We know very little about Kuzma Minin before he began collecting treasury for the people's militia. He was born on the Volga, in the city of Balakhna, not far from Nizhny Novgorod. Kuzma’s father, Mina, the owner of a salt mine, gave his son his patronymic, which for ordinary people served as a substitute for a surname. Mina handed over his business to his eldest sons, and the younger Kuzma, having not received an inheritance, had to look for food himself. He moved to Nizhny, bought himself a yard and began selling meat. Little by little, things started to improve, and Kuzma married a townswoman, Tatyana Semyonovna. It is unknown how many children he had; only one son, Nefed, survived. Sociability, honesty, and business acumen earned Minin a high reputation among the merchants, who elected him as the village elder. This is almost all that is known about Kuzma Minin before his participation in the second militia.

We know much more about Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Pozharsky before his nomination to the role of head of the zemshchina. He belonged to a noble but impoverished family of Starodub princes...

The young prince lost his father when he was only 9 years old. Together with his younger brother and older sister, he was raised in the family estate of Mugreevo. Being the eldest son, he inherited all his father's estates when he married the girl Praskovya Varfolomeevna, thereby becoming an adult according to the ideas of that time...

In 1593, 15-year-old Pozharsky was summoned to a noble review and began the sovereign's service, becoming a solicitor. The attorneys lived for the royal services for six months in the capital, and could spend the rest of the time in their villages. Wherever the sovereign goes: to the Duma, to church, to war, he must be accompanied by attorneys. The sons of noble boyars received this rank at the age of 15 and did not wear it for long. Dmitry remained a solicitor well into his 20s. First, he performed his duties at the court of Fyodor Ivanovich, and then, after his death, at Boris Godunov.

Pozharsky's military service, according to R.G. Skrynnikov, began in 1604-1605, during the war with False Dmitry. Pozharsky remained faithful to Godunov until the last. He did not leave the camp of the “Zemstvo” legal sovereign Fyodor Borisovich, even when the triumph of the impostor became obvious to everyone. But after the government army was disbanded and Otrepyev reigned, Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich had no choice but to return to court duties. Under False Dmitry 1 he was a steward. His duties included treating foreign ambassadors with food and drinks at ceremonial receptions. He avoided intrigues in the palace and did not participate in the conspiracy against the impostor.

We do not have any facts about Pozharsky’s biography that date back to the time of Shuisky’s accession. Even the name of Dmitry Mikhailovich is missing from the list of stolniks of 1606-1607. R.G. Skrynnikov suggests that, perhaps, Prince Dmitry was at the very end of the list, which has not been preserved.

During the fight against the Tushino thief, in the fall of 1608, Pozharsky with a small detachment of military men was sent to Kolomna. ... The governor captured prisoners and a convoy with treasury and food. Pozharsky's victory had tactical significance. But against the background of continuous defeats of the government troops, it became a pleasant exception to the rule...”

During the Seven Boyars, after the government concluded a treaty on August 17, 1610, Pozharsky at first shared the peaceful illusions of some Russians regarding the Polish king and hopes for calming the Time of Troubles under the rule of Vladislav. But it soon became clear that the peace treaty of 1610 was not being implemented by the Poles. Then Pozharsky took an active part in the national liberation movement...

The day has come... Kuzma Minin without hesitation named the name of Prince Dmitry Pozharsky. He was being treated for wounds in the village of Mugreevo, not far from Nizhny. The wound to the head led to the prince falling ill with the “black disease,” as epilepsy was called then. “Many times” the people of Nizhny Novgorod sent ambassadors to him, but he refused to lead the army, citing illness. In fact, apart from fears for one’s own health, etiquette did not allow agreeing on the first date. There were, obviously, fears of disobedience from the posad “world”, which was not accustomed to military discipline. Kuzma Minin personally came to Mugreevo to persuade the prince. They quickly found a common language.

DAY OF MILITARY GLORY

Federal Law of March 13, 1995 N 32-FZ “On the Days of Military Glory and memorable dates Russia." Accepted State Duma February 10, 1995

September 11 - Victory Day of the Russian squadron under the command of F.F. Ushakov over the Turkish squadron at Cape Tendra (1790);

September 8 - Day of the Battle of Borodino of the Russian army under the command of M.I. with the French army (1812);

December 1 - Victory Day of the Russian squadron under the command of P.S. Nakhimov over the Turkish squadron at Cape Sinop (1853);

December 5 - Day of the start of the counter-offensive of Soviet troops against Nazi troops in the Battle of Moscow (1941);

February 2 - Day of Defeat Soviet troops Nazi troops in Battle of Stalingrad(1943);

August 23 - Day of the defeat of the Nazi troops by Soviet troops in Battle of Kursk(1943);

May 9 - Victory Day Soviet people in the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945 (1945);

Should we now sleep in peace?
Loyal sons of Russia?!
Let's go, let's form a military formation,
Let's go - and in the horrors of war to friends,
To the Fatherland, the people
Let's find glory and freedom -
Fedor Glinka

IN Russian history Often, and in a painfully similar way, events that have already occurred in the Russian state are repeated and, apparently, we were not taught intelligence. The actions of anti-national political adventurers have more than once brought our Motherland to the brink of impoverishment, humiliation and despair, and it seemed that only a miracle could save our people. But there are no miracles in the world, but there have always been and acted absolutely amazing wonderful people, patriots of the Fatherland, who went to the people and together with them raised the state desecrated by adventurers and interventionists from its knees, returned it to its former honor and greatness.

After the reign of Ivan the Terrible, who annexed the Kazan and Astrakhan khanates to Muscovy, lands in the Baltic states, distinguished by strategic courage and determination in strengthening the Russian state, came troubled times. The suppression of a dynasty in the history of monarchical Russia has always resulted in great national troubles, although similar phenomena in other countries of the world are avoided without much shock and destruction. If a dynasty fades away, another will be chosen, and order quickly falls into place. We have...

The origin of Russian unrest, as a rule, arises at the top. The people standing at the helm of power, some by cunning, some by force, some by arrogance and treachery, try to gain power for themselves or, by supporting others in this matter, to snatch and secure personal gain. Those who come to power always promise that their rule will be the fairest, based on the aspirations and thoughts of the people. It's easy to say. Implementation is difficult and sometimes impossible. If people come to management with no talent, they are gray.

On the threshold of the seventeenth century there was a desperate struggle for the Moscow throne. After Ivan the Terrible, Boris Godunov, False Dmitry, Vasily Shuisky tried to rule Russia... The latter set out on paper his oath “Record”, placing the holy cross on it, kissing it for loyalty, that he would judge and judge by the “true righteous court”, according to law, and not at discretion, “he must certainly judge not individually, but with his boyars...” “And I should not listen to false denunciations, but firmly find them with all sorts of investigations, and confront them eye to eye...”, but for punish a false denunciation according to the investigation, depending on the guilt attributed to the slandered person. Don’t lay your disgrace on anyone without guilt..."

This did not satisfy the Boyar Duma. After all, before this, the motto of Tsar Ivan the Terrible was: “We are free to favor our slaves and we are free to execute them...” Swornly shaking off these royal prerogatives, Vasily Shuisky turned from a ruler of slaves into a legitimate king of his subjects, ruling according to the law.

But the chronicler says that Tsar Vasily, after kissing the cross, immediately went to the Assumption Cathedral and said to the people there: “I kiss the cross to the whole earth for the fact that no one was done to me without the cathedral, no harm...” With this oath, Shuisky hoped to get rid of from boyar tutelage, to become Zemsky Tsar, for the sake of form, limiting their power to the Council - an institution, the essence of which at that time no one really understood or perceived.

The weakening of centralized power in Rus' has always led to confusion and vacillation in society, to extortion and theft, and arbitrariness. All this began after the death of Ivan the Terrible. Following the upper classes, the lower classes began to seek their truth and benefit. No one wanted to obey anyone.

The world is so structured that only a lazy person would not try to profit at the expense of a weakened neighbor. Western countries, seeing Muscovy mired in civil strife, lit up their eyes with a greedy passion for profit. Following the failed proteges of False Dmitry, the Polish king Sigismund III, with the help military force and the traitorous boyars installed his son Vladislav on the Moscow throne. On the night of September 21, 1610, Polish troops entered Moscow and settled in its heart - the Kremlin and Kitai-Gorod. They behaved here like full-fledged owners, they did not take into account not only the slaves, but also the boyar nobility. The Swedish king Charles IX, under the pretext of helping Russia, brought his troops into Novgorod and began the seizure of Russian lands in the Baltic states.

The newly-minted “helpers and patrons” were not concerned about the integrity and prosperity of the Russian state. Poland sought to annex the ancestral Russian lands, right along with Smolensk. True, its governor Mikhail Shein gathered an army and did not give Smolensk to the Poles. The invaders behaved brazenly on Russian soil, robbed, raped, and imposed unbearable taxes on the Russians.

Liberation movement directed against the subordination of Russia to Poland royal power, began at the end of 1610, when relations between Muscovites and Poles became strained. A state of siege was introduced in Moscow. Fear among the Polish gentry caused an influx of Russian people to Moscow, the secret delivery of weapons to the capital, which indicated preparation popular uprising. Under the leadership of the nobleman Prokofy Lyapunov, the first militia began to form, which found support in the country. TO general movement Nizhny Novgorod, Murom, Suzdal, Vladimir and other cities joined. The main force of the militia were the Ryazan people and the Cossack detachments of Prince Trubetskoy and Zarutsky. But they were unable to develop a unified plan to combat the invaders.

The Poles in Moscow felt like they were on a volcano. To protect themselves, they carried out a massacre in Kitai-Gorod, where more than 7 thousand unarmed Muscovites died, and then set Moscow on fire in different places. Muscovites tried in vain to stop the arson. Moscow burned to the ground. In place of a rich and populous city, only ashes remained. The news of the destruction of Moscow spread throughout the country.

Internal disagreements began within the 1st Militia, which ultimately led to its collapse. Almost simultaneously with this, the fall of Smolensk occurred. The situation in the country has deteriorated even further.

At the end of 1611 Moscow state presented a spectacle of complete visible destruction. The Poles took Smolensk. The Polish detachment burned Moscow and fortified itself behind the surviving walls of the Kremlin and Kitay-Gorod. To replace the murdered second False Dmitry, a third settled in Pskov - some Sidorka. The first noble militia was upset with the death of Lyapunov. The country was left without a government. The Boyar Duma, which became its head after the tonsure of Vasily Shuisky as a monk, was abolished by itself after the capture of the Kremlin by the Poles. True, some of the boyars, with their chairman, Prince Mstislavsky, sided with the Poles.

The state, having lost its center, began to disintegrate into its component parts, almost every city acted independently, only being sent with other cities. The state was transformed into some kind of shapeless, restless federation.

Towards the end of 1611, when political forces were exhausted in confrontations, religious and national forces began to awaken, seeing Rus' dying.

From the Trinity Monastery, Archimandrite Dionysius and cellarer Abraham began to send out Orthodox churches letters of conscription to the people asking them to rise up to save the faith and the Fatherland. The experience of the first militia showed that in order to liberate the country from invaders, it is necessary to unite all patriotic forces, their consolidation under a single banner.

The initiative in this noble cause of liberating the homeland from the Polish gentry belongs to the townspeople of Nizhny Novgorod. Under the leadership of their headman Kuzma Minin, a second Russian militia began to gather in the fall of 1611, when Kuzma Minin was elected zemstvo headman in Nizhny Novgorod. The creation of a new militia was officially proclaimed in a solemn ceremony in the Cathedral of the Transfiguration. Archpriest Savva gave a speech, and then Kuzma Minin addressed the assembled people. Calling on his fellow citizens to rise up against the interventionists, Minin said: “After all, I know well that if we start this business, many cities will help us. Do not spare yourself and your wives and children, and not just your property.”

The courageous and noble call of Kuzma Minin was widely supported. According to a contemporary chronicler, “everyone loved his advice.”

During the formation of the militia, arose important question about military leadership. What was needed was a special commander and, at the same time, a person who would put the interests of the homeland above his own. Minin also found the leader of the patriotic movement, Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Pozharsky. The main goal of the second nascent militia was the liberation of Moscow from the invaders and the expulsion of the interventionists from Russian soil. Fundraising began for the maintenance of the troops and their weapons. Many people gave their last. The militia was formed for about four months, and then moved towards Moscow, replenished along the way with crowds of volunteers, service people who asked to be accepted on the zemstvo salary.

Near Moscow, the militia, on the advice and negotiations of Minin, merged with the Cossack detachment of Prince Trubetskoy. This strengthened his fighting ability.

In July 1612, news reached the militia that Sigismund was preparing a 12,000-strong army under the command of Jan Karol Chodkiewicz for Moscow. The king gave him several infantry detachments that had previously participated in the battles for Smolensk. Khodkevich went on a campaign to help the Poles, who were entrenched in the Kremlin and Kitai-Gorod.

Dmitry Pozharsky understood that the connection of Polish forces could not be allowed. Therefore, he sent a detachment of Prince V. Turgenev to Moscow, which was supposed to stand at the Chertolsky Gate of the capital. The main forces of the militia stood at the Arbat Gate. The path to Khodkevich’s troops to Kitay-Gorod and the Kremlin was covered.

Khodkevich's forces and his huge convoy approached the Russian capital and began crossing the Moscow River, but were repulsed. The next morning, the Poles decided to break through again to the Moscow River from the Donskoy Monastery through Zamoskvorechye, but Cossack detachments were waiting for them on Pyatnitskaya Street near the Church of St. Clement. In the ensuing battle, the Cossacks not only defeated the Polish invaders, but also recaptured more than four hundred carts with provisions and weapons from them. The Cossacks, inflamed by success, wanted to pursue the surviving Polish forces retreating to the Vorobyovy Gory, but the governors restrained them, saying: “Enough, Cossacks! There are no two joys in one day! As if after the joy and bitterness you won’t taste it.” Kuzma Minin himself distinguished himself in the fight against Khodkevich. He took four companies and successfully attacked Chodkiewicz's forces. After these failures, the hetman had to move away from Moscow.

After this, the militia surrounded Kitay-Gorod, dug a deep ditch, woven a fence into two walls, poured earth between them, installed cannons and began shelling the Poles who had settled there.

On September 15, Dmitry Pozharsky sent a written proposal to the Poles to surrender: “... You will soon perish from hunger. Your king has no time for you now... Do not destroy your souls in vain for the king’s lies. Surrender!”

But the dashing warrior Nikolai Struyev, who commanded the besieged Poles, responded to the offer of surrender with obscene language.

And Pozharsky’s prophecies came true. The besieged hungry Poles not only ate their horses, but also caught and ate all the dogs and cats.

On October 22, Russian militias attacked the besieged. The hungry Poles could not resist, retreated and locked themselves in the Kremlin, but not for long. Two days later they sent envoys asking for surrender.

On October 25, Russian militias entered the Kremlin. A solemn prayer service was served in the Assumption Cathedral for the deliverance of the reigning city from the enemy.

The Poles still tried to stay on Russian soil, but, inspired by their successes, the militia drove the invaders home everywhere.

The Russian people highly appreciated the patriotic and organizational initiative of Minin and Pozharsky to expel Polish invaders from Russian soil and during their lifetime gave praise and honor to the patriots of the Fatherland.

In 1804, work began to perpetuate the memory of the victory of 1612. In February 1818, grateful descendants opened the first monumental monument in Moscow on Red Square - a monument to the liberators of the Fatherland Minin and Pozharsky. The interesting thing is that work on its creation did not stop even during Patriotic War with Napoleon.

For the successful construction of the monument, its author, Ivan Petrovich Martos, was awarded the rank of full state councilor with a high personal pension, and the foundry master Ekimov was awarded the Order of Anna, 2nd degree and a bonus of 20,000 rubles.

And it was worth it! Even today, for each of us, this monument evokes high patriotic feelings for the Russian people and our dear Fatherland.

Vladimir Ushakov

False Dmitry II. While Vasily Shuisky was besieging I.I. Bolotnikov in Tula, a new impostor appeared in the Bryansk region (Starodub). By agreement with the Vatican, the Polish nobles, opponents of King Sigismund III (hetmans Lisovsky, Ruzhitsky, Sapieha), united with the Cossack ataman I. I. Zarutsky, and nominated False Dmitry II (1607-1610) as a contender for the Russian throne. In appearance, this man resembled False Dmitry I, which was noticed by the participants in the adventure of the first impostor. Until now, the identity of False Dmitry II causes a lot of controversy. Apparently, he came from a church background.

False Dmitry II, in response to the call of I.I. Bolotnikov, moved to Tula to unite with the rebels. The union did not take place (Tula was taken by Shuisky’s troops), and in January 1608 the impostor launched a campaign against the capital. In the summer of 1608, False Dmitry approached Moscow, but attempts to take the capital ended in vain. He stopped 17 km from the Kremlin, in the town of Tushino, and received the nickname “Tushino Thief.” Soon Marina Mnishek also moved to Tushino. The impostor promised her 3 thousand gold rubles and income from 14 Russian cities after reigning in Moscow, and she recognized him as her husband. A secret wedding took place according to Catholic rites. The impostor promised to help spread Catholicism in Russia.

False Dmitry II was an obedient puppet in the hands of the Polish nobles, who managed to take control of the north-west and north of Russian lands. The fortress of the Trinity-Sergius Monastery fought valiantly for 16 months, in the defense of which significant role the surrounding population played a role. Actions against the Polish invaders took place in a number of major cities North: Novgorod, Vologda, Veliky Ustyug.

If False Dmitry I spent 11 months in the Kremlin, then False Dmitry II unsuccessfully besieged Moscow for 21 months. In Tushino, under False Dmitry II, from among the boyars dissatisfied with Vasily Shuisky (the people aptly called them “Tushino flights”), their own Boyar Duma and orders were formed. Metropolitan Filaret, captured in Rostov, was named patriarch in Tushino.

The government of Vasily Shuisky, realizing that it was not able to cope with False Dmitry II, concluded an agreement with Sweden in Vyborg (1609). Russia renounced its claims to the Baltic coast, and the Swedes provided troops to fight False Dmitry II. Under the command of the talented 28-year-old commander M.V. Skopin-Shuisky, the Tsar’s nephew, successful actions began against the Polish invaders.

In response, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, which was at war with Sweden, declared war on Russia. The troops of King Sigismund III in the fall of 1609 besieged the city of Smolensk, which defended itself for more than 20 months. The king ordered the nobles to leave Tushino and go to Smolensk. The Tushino camp crumbled, the impostor was no longer needed by the Polish gentry, who switched to open intervention. False Dmitry II fled to Kaluga, where he was soon killed. The embassy of the Tushino boyars went to Smolensk at the beginning of 1610 and invited the king’s son, Vladislav, to the Moscow throne.

In April 1610, M. V. Skopin-Shuisky died under mysterious circumstances. According to rumor, he was poisoned. In the summer of 1610, leaving struggling Smolensk in the rear, the Polish army moved towards Moscow. In June 1610, Russian troops under the command of their brother, the tsar, the cowardly and mediocre Dmitry Shuisky, were defeated by Polish troops. The path to Moscow was open. The Swedes thought more about the capture of Novgorod and other Russian lands than about their defense: they left Shuisky’s army and began to plunder the northwestern Russian cities.

In the summer of 1610, a coup took place in Moscow. The nobles, led by P. Lyapunov, overthrew Vasily Shuisky from the throne and forcibly tonsured him as a monk. (Shuisky died in 1612 in Polish captivity, where he was sent as a hostage along with his brothers). Power was seized by a group of boyars led by F. I. Mstislavsky. This government, consisting of seven boyars, was called the “seven boyars”.

In August 1610, the Seven Boyars, despite the protests of Patriarch Hermogenes, concluded an agreement to call Vladislav, the son of King Sigismund, to the Russian throne, and allowed intervention troops into the Kremlin. On August 27, 1610, Moscow swore allegiance to Vladislav. This was a direct betrayal of national interests. The country faced the threat of losing its independence.

The first militia. Only by relying on the people could it be possible to win and preserve the independence of the Russian state. In 1610, Patriarch Hermogenes called for a fight against the invaders, for which he was arrested. At the beginning of 1611, the first militia was created in the Ryazan land, led by the nobleman P. Lyapunov. The militia moved to Moscow, where an uprising broke out in the spring of 1611. The interventionists, on the advice of the traitorous boyars, set the city on fire. Troops fought on the outskirts of the Kremlin. Here, in the Sretenka area, Prince D. M. Pozharsky, who led the advanced detachments, was seriously wounded.

However, the Russian troops were unable to develop their success. The leaders of the militia spoke out in favor of returning the fugitive peasants to their owners. Cossacks did not have the right to hold public office. Opponents of P. Lyapunov, who sought to establish military organization militia, began to sow rumors that he allegedly wanted to exterminate the Cossacks. * They invited him into the Cossack “circle” in July 1611 and killed him.

The first militia disintegrated. By this time, the Swedes had captured Novgorod, and the Poles, after a months-long siege, had captured Smolensk. The Polish king Sigismund III announced that he himself would become the Russian Tsar, and Russia would join the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

Second militia. Minin and Pozharsky. In the fall of 1611, the townsman of Nizhny Novgorod, Kozma Minin, appealed to the Russian people to create a second militia. With the help of the population of other Russian cities, it was created material resources liberation struggle: the people raised significant funds to wage war against the interventionists. The militia was headed by K. Minin and Prince Dmitry Pozharsky.

In the spring of 1612, the militia moved to Yaroslavl. Here the provisional government of Russia, the Council of All Earth, was created. In the summer of 1612, from the direction of the Arbat Gate, the troops of K. Minin and D. M. Pozharsky approached Moscow and united with the remnants of the first militia.

Almost simultaneously, Hetman Khodkevich approached the capital along the Mozhaisk road, moving to help the Poles holed up in the Kremlin. In the battle near the walls of Moscow, Khodkevich’s army was driven back.

On October 22, 1612, on the day of the discovery of the icon of the Kazan Mother of God, who accompanied the militia, Kitay-Gorod was taken. Four days later, the Polish garrison in the Kremlin surrendered. In memory of the liberation of Moscow from the interventionists, a temple in honor of the icon of Our Lady of Kazan was erected on Red Square at the expense of D. M. Pozharsky. The victory was won as a result of the heroic efforts of the Russian people. The feat of the Kostroma peasant Ivan Susanin, who sacrificed own life in the fight against Polish invaders. Grateful Russia erected the first sculptural monument in Moscow to Kozma Minin and Dmitry Pozharsky (on Red Square, sculptor I. P. Martos, 1818). The memory of the defense of Smolensk and the Trinity-Sergius Monastery, of the struggle of the inhabitants of the city of Korela against the Swedish invaders, has been preserved forever.

In 1613, a Zemsky Sobor was held in Moscow, at which the question of choosing a new Russian Tsar was raised. The Polish prince Vladislav, the son of the Swedish king Karl Philip, the son of False Dmitry II and Marina Mnishek Ivan, nicknamed "Vorenko", as well as representatives of the largest boyar families were proposed as candidates for the Russian throne. On February 21, the cathedral chose Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov, the 16-year-old great-nephew of Ivan the Terrible’s first wife, Anastasia Romanova. An embassy was sent to the Ignatievsky Monastery near Kostroma, where Mikhail and his mother were at that time. On May 2, 1613, Mikhail arrived in Moscow and was crowned king on July 11. Soon, the leading place in governing the country was taken by his father, Patriarch Filaret, who “mastered all royal and military affairs.” Power was restored in the form of an autocratic monarchy. The leaders of the fight against the interventionists received modest appointments. D. M. Pozharsky was sent by the governor to Mozhaisk, and K. Minin became the Duma governor.

End of the intervention. The government of Mikhail Fedorovich faced the most difficult task - eliminating the consequences of the intervention. The greatest danger to him was posed by the Cossack detachments that wandered around the country and did not recognize the new king. Among them, the most formidable was Ivan Zarutsky, to whom Marina Mnishek moved with her son. The Yaik Cossacks handed over I. Zarutsky to the Moscow government in 1614. I. Zarutsky and “Vorenok” were hanged, and Marina Mnishek was imprisoned in Kolomna, where she probably died soon.

The Swedes posed another danger. After several military clashes and then negotiations, the Peace of Stolbovo was concluded in 1617 (in the village of Stolbovo, near Tikhvin). Sweden returned the Novgorod land to Russia, but retained the Baltic coast and received monetary compensation. After the Peace of Stolbov, King Gustav Adolf said that now “Russia is not a dangerous neighbor... it is separated from Sweden by swamps, fortresses, and it will be difficult for the Russians to cross this “trickle”” (Neva River).

The Polish prince Vladislav, who sought to gain the Russian throne, organized in 1617-1618. march on Moscow, He reached the Arbat Gate of Moscow, but was repulsed. In the village of Deulino near the Trinity-Sergius Monastery in 1618, the Deulino truce was concluded with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, which retained the Smolensk and Chernigov lands. There was an exchange of prisoners. Vladislav did not give up his claims to the Russian throne.

Thus, basically the territorial unity of Russia was restored, although part of the Russian lands remained with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and Sweden. These are the consequences of the events of the Troubles in foreign policy Russia. In the internal political life of the state, the role of the nobility and the upper classes of the town increased significantly.

During the Time of Troubles, in which all layers and classes of Russian society took part, the question of the very existence of Russian state, about choosing the path of development of the country. It was necessary to find ways for the people to survive. Troubles settled primarily in the minds and souls of people. In specific conditions early XVII V. a way out of the Troubles was found in the regions and the center realizing the need for strong statehood. The idea of ​​giving everything for the common good, rather than seeking personal gain, has won in people's minds.

After the Time of Troubles, a choice was made in favor of preserving the largest power in eastern Europe. In the specific geopolitical conditions of that time, the path of further development of Russia was chosen: autocracy as a form of political government, serfdom as the basis of the economy, Orthodoxy as an ideology, the class system as a social structure.

Russia emerged from the Troubles extremely exhausted, with huge territorial and human losses. According to some estimates, up to a third of the population died. Overcoming economic ruin will be possible only by strengthening serfdom.

The country's international position has sharply deteriorated. Russia found itself in political isolation, its military potential weakened, and for a long time its southern borders remained practically defenseless.

Anti-Western sentiments intensified in the country, which aggravated its cultural and, ultimately, civilizational isolation.

The people managed to defend their independence, but as a result of their victory, autocracy and serfdom were revived in Russia. However, most likely, there is no other way of salvation and preservation Russian civilization did not exist in those extreme conditions.

On June 3, 1611, after a two-year siege, Smolensk fell. Most of his defenders died, and the head of the defense, boyar M.B. Shein was captured.

Having taken Smolensk, Sigismund III went to Warsaw, ordering Vasily Shuisky and other noble prisoners to be taken with him. The entire Roman Catholic world welcomed the king's success, considering his establishment on Moscow soil final.

Almost simultaneously with Smolensk, Novgorod also fell, taken by the Swedish troops of Delagardie. Here the son of the Swedish king, Carl Philip, was proclaimed sovereign, and it was assumed that sooner or later other parts of the Moscow state would elect him as king. According to the agreement concluded with the Novgorodians, Karl Philip promised not to violate the traditions of the Orthodox faith and to preserve all Novgorod customs.

At this time, Prokopiy Lyapunov addressed all Russian cities with a call to stand up for the defense of their native land and move straight to Moscow, after the liberation of which the whole world would elect a new king. Lyapunov attached to his appeal a letter from the defenders of Smolensk, in which they called on all Russians to unite and defend the Orthodox faith. Militia were collected from all districts, from landowners, monasteries and church lands. At gatherings in cities and districts, people swore an oath to stand for the Orthodox faith and the Moscow state, without communicating with either the Polish king, or the Poles, or the Russian supporters of the king. During the campaign, they pledged not to offend the Russian people and to protect them in every possible way from the Poles and traitorous Moscow boyars.

Militia were drawn to Moscow from almost all Russian cities. Supporters of the murdered impostor entered into an agreement with Lyapunov, and Jan Sapieha himself promised to fight for Russian soil. By the beginning of March 1611, Lyapunov and the militia approached Moscow.

In the capital itself they were also preparing to fight the Poles. Mikhail Saltykov, together with the boyars, on the orders of Gonsevsky, came to Patriarch Hermogenes and demanded that he write to the militia so that they would not go to Moscow. But Hermogenes replied that he would do this only after the Poles and Russian traitors left Moscow. In case of their refusal, the patriarch promised, on the contrary, to write to the militia so that it would complete the holy work already begun.

Soon an uprising broke out in Moscow. At the same time, militia units began to enter the city. Realizing that it was no longer possible to hold the city with the existing forces, the Poles decided to set fire to the White City and Zamoskvorechye in different places, and to strengthen themselves in Kitay-Gorod and the Kremlin. There were also boyars, supporters of the Polish king, and most of the boyars and nobles who, involuntarily, had to be with them.

Because of the fire, the militia was unable to unite with the rebel Muscovites. One of the first to enter Moscow was a detachment under the command of Prince Dmitry Pozharsky. Having passed through the burning streets, his detachment fortified himself at Lubyanka, but was soon forced to retreat before the fire. The wounded Pozharsky said that it would be better for him to die than to see everything that was happening now in front of him. The militia managed to take Pozharsky to his estate.

In three days, all the wooden buildings in Moscow burned down, leaving only walls and towers White City, several stone churches and ovens of burnt houses. During the fire, the Poles plundered churches and houses of the White City and became very rich; According to some reports, they collected so many pearls from merchant houses that they used them as bullets. The Muscovites remaining in Kitai-Gorod were killed by the Poles.

The militia did not leave Moscow and fought with the interventionists. The boyars and Gonsevsky came to the patriarch and demanded that he write a message to the militias so that they would move away from Moscow, otherwise he would face death. But Hermogenes replied that he would not write and the traitors would not hear a single word from him again.

The militia stationed near Moscow elected Prince Dmitry Trubetskoy as the leaders of their army and the entire Russian land. Procopy of Lyapunov and Cossack chieftain Ivan Zarutsky. Despite the fact that Trubetskoy was considered the first by birth, Lyapunov was recognized by everyone as the main one. He did not take into account either origin or wealth and showed no preference to anyone. This led to sharp dissatisfaction with Lyapunov among members of the nobility who served in the militia. But the Cossacks and their leader Zarutsky, who had previously commanded the troops of the second impostor, were even more dissatisfied with Lyapunov. The leader of the militia constantly suppressed the excesses of the Cossacks, punishing them with death, and took away the estates they received from Zarutsky.

Having learned about disagreements in the militia camp, Gonsevsky sent with a captured Cossack a forged letter, allegedly written on behalf of Lyapunov, which stated that the Cossacks were the destroyers of the Moscow state and should be destroyed everywhere. July 25, 1611 Having read the letter in their circle, the Cossacks summoned Lyapunov and killed him. From that moment on, the Cossacks began to occupy a dominant position in the militia, and the rest of the militia began to leave the camp.

Marina's son was proclaimed heir to the Moscow throne. Zarutsky and Trubetskoy swore allegiance to him and fought with the Poles on his behalf. Patriarch Hermogenes, having learned about the decision of the militia to recognize Marina's son as heir, sent an appeal to Nizhny Novgorod, where he cursed him and called on all cities not to recognize him as Tsar. The Poles killed Hermogenes in prison.

At this time, it became clear that there were other contenders for the Russian throne. Another False Dmitry showed up in Astrakhan. The former Moscow deacon Sidorka appeared in Ivangorod, who also declared himself Dmitry. The people of Pskov supported him, and he “settled” in this city. Hearing about this new Dmitry, the Cossacks who were near Moscow recognized him as their king.

In the cathedral church of Nizhny Novgorod, a letter sent from the Trinity Monastery was read, it spoke of the disasters experienced by the Russian people. The people shed tears and said that there would be no deliverance for them and that there would probably be even greater death ahead. Then, at the meeting, the zemstvo elder, merchant Kuzma Ankudinovich Minin, spoke to the people, calling on people not to spare their property for the liberation of the Orthodox fatherland, not to spare the lives of their wives and children, but to raise funds for the creation of a new army.

The residents of Nizhny Novgorod did not immediately decide to respond to Minin’s call, and he had to address them with such an appeal more than once. Finally they decided to make him senior in this matter and rely on his will in everything.

On the advice of Minin, the steward, Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Pozharsky, was elected as the leader of the militia. He had previously held minor positions, but was known for his courage and was never seen in relations with the impostor or the Polish king.

Pozharsky was on his estate and was being treated for wounds when elected people from Nizhny Novgorod arrived to him, offering to lead the militia. Pozharsky agreed, but said that it was necessary to elect a person who would be in charge of the expenditure of the treasury on the salaries of military men, and he pointed to Kuzma Minin. It was decided not to limit ourselves to voluntary donations, but to introduce a “fifth money” collection.

To evaluate every fifth part of all property, experienced appraisers were elected, who did not give anyone any benefits or deferments. Even the church and monastery treasury was used. If anyone did not give his property, it was taken from him by force. The very poor were given into bondage to those who could pay for them. Such cruel measures were justified by extraordinary circumstances that threatened the existence of the Moscow state.

After Prince Pozharsky arrived in Nizhny Novgorod, messengers were sent to all regions with letters calling for support for the people of Nizhny Novgorod. From Nizhny Novgorod the militia moved up the Volga. Along the way, Minin collected money from the Volga cities. Militias from other cities joined Pozharsky’s army. In Kostroma, the militia met resistance from the governor Ivan Sheremetev, who was loyal to Vladislav, who was there, but the residents handed him over to Pozharsky, and they themselves joined the militia.

By the spring of 1612 Russian army arrived in Yaroslavl, where they stopped for rest and replenishment. Here the Council of the Whole Land was created, headed by Prince Pozharsky. From the Trinity-Sergius Monastery, Pozharsky was sent news that encouraged him to quickly move towards Moscow. It became obvious that the Polish garrison located in the Kremlin was small in number and had a severe shortage of provisions. At the same time, Trubetskoy broke off relations with Zarutsky and began to rush Pozharsky to go to Moscow. Zarutsky had to flee from near Moscow to Kolomna, where Marina Mnishek was located. Most of the Cossacks remained with Trubetskoy.

Pozharsky did not trust Trubetskoy and therefore was in no hurry to march on Moscow, but only sent separate units. But having learned that the Polish hetman Khodkevich was coming to Moscow with an army. Minin insisted on accelerating the march. On August 20, 1612, the militia approached Moscow.

On August 22, the approach of Khodkiewicz’s army was noticed from the western side. They went with him to Moscow large number carts with food for the Kremlin garrison. Having crossed the Moscow River, the Poles threw back the Moscow cavalry, which was guarding the crossing. At the same time, a sortie was made from the Kremlin. The rear of the militia was under threat of attack, but Trubetskoy’s Cossacks were in no hurry to help him, and the militia managed on their own. Khodkevich stopped crossing and stopped at the Donskoy Monastery.

Throughout the next day, both sides prepared for the decisive battle. Khodkevich decided to break through to the Kremlin through Zamoskvorechye. He managed to reach Pyatnitskaya Street, but here he met staunch resistance from Trubetskoy’s Cossacks. At the same time, Minin, together with two hundred militiamen, struck Khodkevich in the rear and inflicted a terrible defeat on him.

By noon, the Cossacks fighting in Zamoskvorechye managed to repel the enemy and capture most of the food carts. Realizing that it would not be possible to deliver food to the Kremlin, Khodkevich turned around the remaining convoys and left Moscow.

Having won the victory, Pozharsky made peace with Trubetskoy and decided to begin joint actions to besiege the Kremlin and Kitai-Gorod, where the enemy garrison still remained.

On September 15, Pozharsky sent a letter to the Poles in which he offered to capitulate, promising to freely release them to their homeland. But those who were confident in Khodkevich’s imminent return rejected this proposal. However, weeks passed and the hetman was still missing. Famine began among the garrison, and even cases of cannibalism were observed.

On October 22, Trubetskoy’s Cossacks managed to take Kitay-Gorod, which the Poles were no longer able to defend. Now the garrison was located only in the Kremlin. Minin and Pozharsky promised that no offense would be caused to any Pole. On October 24, the garrison began to release Russian people who were under siege with the Poles through the Trinity Gate. Despite the fact that the Cossacks shouted that they needed to be killed as traitors, the militia did not allow this, threatening to use force to protect them.

On October 25, the militia entered the Kremlin. The garrison laid down their arms and were sent to the Russian camp. But the Cossacks broke their word and killed many prisoners. The survivors were sent to Russian cities.

In November, Sigismund III with a small army approached Volokolamsk and tried to persuade the Muscovites to recognize Vladislav as king. However, now in Moscow they did not want to hear about him. The king did not even manage to take Volokolamsk, and he left for Poland.

On December 21, 1612, letters sent to cities notified of the liberation of Moscow. They contained an invitation to convene elected people to Moscow to elect a sovereign.

A three-day strict fast was established throughout the land and prayer services were served. The proposal to elect a Swedish prince as king, and also to return the royal crown to Vasily Shuisky, was rejected.

Most of the nobles and children of the boyars, as well as townspeople and Cossacks, spoke out in favor of the election of Mikhail Romanov as Tsar. This was largely explained by the memory of the first wife of Tsar Ivan the Terrible, the sister of Mikhail’s grandfather Anastasia, about whom the people had good memories, and the persecution to which Mikhail’s father Fyodor (Filaret) was subjected under Tsar Boris Godunov and the Poles.

In January 1613, elected people gathered on Red Square and, after fierce debate, elected Michael as Tsar. An oath was taken to the new king from all classes. From the Zemsky Sobor, an embassy went to Kostroma, to the Ipatiev Monastery, where the Romanov family was located, with an invitation to the kingdom.

At first, both Mikhail and his mother, nun Martha, refused this honor, speaking of the cowardice shown by people in recent years the ruin of the Russian land and the poverty of the royal treasury. Finally, Martha said that Mikhail’s father was in Polish captivity, being a kind of hostage and exposed to the constant threat of death. But the ambassadors explained that the election of Michael differed from the election of previous kings primarily in that it was a unanimous election by the whole earth according to the will of God. And if Michael refuses the role assigned to him, then God himself will be exacted from him.

Then Martha blessed her son for the kingdom, and on July 11, 1613, the new king was crowned with the cap of Monomakh, becoming the founder of a new dynasty - the Romanovs.

After the election of Mikhail Romanov as Tsar, the country finally found a legitimate monarch. But in the first years of his reign he had to actively deal with the consequences of the Troubles.

The last period of the Troubles was characterized by the partisan struggle of the peasants against any military formations (mainly Cossacks) that replenished their supplies at the expense of peasant farms. This struggle manifested itself most clearly in the north after 1614. From here they “knocked out” not only Cossacks or Poles, but also government tax collectors who robbed the population.

Even more dangerous for the new Moscow government were the Cossack detachments. In 1612-1618. There were about ten major uprisings of the Cossacks. The government of the young king managed to cope with the Cossack uprisings. Many participants in the suppression of these uprisings were granted lands and titles of nobles.

The most important task of the government of Mikhail Romanov was the conclusion peace treaties with Sweden (Peace of Stolbovo) and Poland, which were extremely disadvantageous for Russia, but still provided the necessary respite after the period of the Troubles.

On November 4, 1612, Kitay-Gorod was liberated from the Poles, and the Polish-Lithuanian invaders, who had come to Moscow on legal grounds two years earlier, were forced to take refuge in the Kremlin, dooming themselves to hunger and defeat.

Diplomatic mistakes

One of the fundamental problems of the Poles in the history of the intervention was their absolute inability to negotiate and make coherent decisions beneficial to all parties. It all started with the fact that Hetman Zholkiewski, whose troops had been stationed near Moscow since August 1610, was against going to Moscow. He understood perfectly well that maintaining a huge mass of people could lead to a banal lack of resources, but pressure from the captains of the Zborovsky regiment, who threatened to refuse service, as well as pressure from Sigismund III, overpowered his fears. Later, when Zholkiewski left Moscow for negotiations with Sigismund, he left a garrison in the city under the command of the Lithuanian referendar Alexander Gonsevski. This did not lead to anything good for the Poles: Zolkiewski never reached an agreement with Sigismund, and an uprising broke out in Moscow.

Treason of the Cossacks

Another fatal failure of the Poles was the betrayal of the “Tushino Cossacks”. The death of False Dmitry in December 1610 put the Cossacks, led by Ivan Zarutsky and Andrei Prosovetsky, in a difficult position, from which they found the only true way out, namely, they joined the first people's militia. The significant forces they brought under the walls of the Kremlin seriously strengthened the militia.

Rebellion of 1611

Alexander Gonsevsky ruled in Moscow with what is called a “firm hand,” but there was obviously more firmness in his governance than wisdom. Wanting to prevent unrest that could arise due to the spread of news of the First Militia, Gonsevsky provoked clashes in Moscow, which led to fierce battles and the total pacification of the population. According to some reports, up to 7 thousand Muscovites died. Most of Moscow burned down, the White and Zemlyanoy cities burned down. Advance militia detachments led by Pozharsky, Baturlin and Koltovsky forced the Poles to retreat. Without coming up with anything more convincing, the Poles began to burn Moscow. Special units set fire to the city with different sides, many churches were looted and destroyed. The Poles found themselves locked in the Kremlin.

Bad logistics

Huge problems arose for the Poles due to the lack of an established supply system. IN armed forces The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth did not yet have a centralized quartermaster service. Neither at the banner level, nor even more so at the regiment level, was there a person responsible for supplying this unit with food. This caused not just trouble, but became a real tragedy for the Polish troops, especially after they found themselves in the besieged Kremlin. Ultimately, it was the problem with logistics, with the inability to deliver provisions to the Polish troops, that became the decisive factor.

Famine of 1612

The famine of 1612 became a terrible page in the history of the Polish-Lithuanian intervention. There is no point in retelling its terrible details. Suffice it to say that cannibalism flourished with might and main. There was even a kind of price list for certain body parts. In the second half of October, hunger, desertion and the breakdown of discipline reached their climax. Because of the prowling gangs of cannibals, movement through the streets of the Kremlin and Kitai-Gorod after dark was extremely risky. An interesting detail characterizing the level of hunger of the besieged Poles is the version that the library of Ivan the Terrible, “Liberia,” which still cannot be found, was eaten just during the siege of the Kremlin.

They didn't recognize...

If the Poles imprisoned in the Kremlin knew that the future Russian Tsar, the first of the Romanov dynasty, was going through the siege with them... The history of Russia could have taken a completely different path if everything had turned out a little differently in those days. Wait another week, the Poles, until the convoys with provisions arrive, or suddenly, for some reason, Mikhail Fedorovich does not survive the siege...

Broken Promise

Despite the promise of pardon, most of the Polish garrison was killed by the Cossacks right during the surrender. On November 9, Pozharsky and the nobles began sending groups of prisoners to cities in the provinces. There, however, was waiting for them tragic fate. The Poles who arrived were simply exterminated. Only the most “useful” prisoners who could be useful managed to escape. Only in 1619, according to the Truce of Deulin, did an exchange of prisoners take place.